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Cake day: June 17th, 2022

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  • I don’t think we’ll get to communism without acknowledging the personal characteristics of identity politics. The task for revolutionaries is to consider these characteristics through the lens of dialectical and historical materialism and placed within their political economic relations.

    Take race. Race is class. Race is the mechanism for divisions of labour along global colour lines. As Fanon argued, we have to ‘stretch Marxism’ so that our class analysis fully accounts for race.

    Take gender. Gender is class. Gender is the mechanism for divisions of labour with regard to reproduction. As Federici demonstrated, so called ‘primitive accumulation’ never stopped; it continued, in particular against women labelled witches. Along Fanon’s lines, we need to stretch our Marxist concepts to fully account for gender.

    These examples are incomplete. And I don’t mean to say that every characteristic is ‘class’ or that race and gender are only class. The examples show, however, that what gets separated under liberal identity politics is, in fact, interconnected.

    Without idpol and intersectionality you get distortions like the core’s equation of ‘working class’ with ‘blue-collar white working class men’, with no antiracism and no internationalism.

    The problem with liberal idpol is that trying to attend to one characteristic at a time isn’t going to lead anywhere. Maybe a few gains won here and there. But it can all be taken away once the heat dies down and the protestors go home or grow old.

    Slavery can be rebranded as prison labour. Abortion rights can be reversed. Anticolonial movements can be reframed as independence movements and coopted by neocolonialists and compradors. The fight for climate justice can be reduced to recycling. Gender equality becomes more women arms dealers. The list is endless because the working class is restless in it’s fight for freedom (even if its members don’t always know that’s what they’re doing) and the ruling class tireless in its reaction.

    We either all get free or none of us will be freed. Idpol has it’s use to the extent that it points the way to a more rigorous revolutionary praxis. At that point it’s up to Marxists to theorise and act upon.










  • Definitely no need to peel. It can be a little tough sometimes but if it’s tough it’s usually because it’s undercooked and then the middle is dry and squeaky, so the skin is the least of the problem.

    Use plenty of olive oil is the trick. You can slice the top off, then slice in half down the middle, then deeply score the inside without cutting through the skin. Rub with lots of olive oil, season* and fry inside-down. When it’s browned, it’ll partially flatten out. Then you can turn it over and fry the skin-side. Parts will go soft, parts will crisp up as it flattens out more fully. Then you can turn it over a few times till it’s cooked.

    It’s an energy intensive food, ime!

    You can also simply leave the skin on however you slice and cook it. Personally, I think it needs cooking similar to the above before adding to anything else. In not remotely an expert. I’ve just experimented with lots of ways to try to recreate how I’ve had it in Greek and Turkish restaurants.

    *You can also add garlic and paprika or something like ras al-hanout at this point. Get it into the grooves (from the scoring) so that it doesn’t burn. And/or rub with tomato puree. And/or once you’ve browned both sides, add some chopped tinned tomatoes till they’re warm, then put it all in the oven till the sauce turns rich (either in an oven dish or in the frying pan if it can be baked and the oven is the right temp – frying pans can’t always be baked too hot, depending on the handle and maybe the non stick coating).

    PS if you’re following a chef’s recipe, they might not be wrong. It might be how it has to be prepared for that dish. They might have another recipe where they don’t peel it, like sliced thin and fried in a light batter.



  • redteatoFunnyWikipedia be like
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    4 days ago

    I’m not asking questions because I want to know your or anybody else’s answers. I’m giving you the questions which if you answer will reveal the problems in the screenshot(s). I was hoping that if I could help you think this through for yourself, you would begin to learn how to ask critical questions on your own in future.



  • redteatoFunnyWikipedia be like
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    4 days ago

    I don’t really care what the change log says. The log isn’t what users read. Users read the text in the screenshot(s).

    You asked what was wrong with the image. What’s wrong is that it is full meaning can only be divined by a critical reading, which requires answering my above questions and four new questions: (1) why should readers have to view the change log to understand the text (2) should readers expect more rigorous material by asking questions in the change log than is presented in the page itself (3) if yes to the second question, why and (4) why is or would there be more rigour ‘behind the scenes’ than ‘on stage’?



  • redteatoFunnyWikipedia be like
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    4 days ago

    Is that because there’s insufficient or poor evidence for Russia’s supporters?

    If so or if not, what is the effect of giving the impression that clicking the link under Russia will reveal a large and well substantiated list?

    If the Russian list wasn’t impliedly large, why include a link rather than a couple of names?

    Does the presentation equate the kind and scope of support for Russia and Ukraine?

    If so, what is the effect, intended or accidental, of equating support for Ukraine and Russia?

    What is the effect, intended or accidental, of limiting ‘support’ to military suppliers or aid?

    What is the difference between ‘suppliers’ and ‘aid’?

    Why is there no ‘aid’ list for Russia?

    Why is there no ‘supplier’ list for Ukraine?

    What is the effect of using different categories connected to each state?

    The OP screenshot and the updated version you posted raise these questions.