If each of us organizes in our local communities and gets people to pool the small amount of wealth that they have together to form a co-op where the leader is elected by the people who joined, and then all of these co-ops join together and each of the leaders elects a leader, and continue this process until we have the working class of the country join this, then all the control is in the hands of the workers who can then directly vote to purchase important companies like homebuilders, food producers, etc. would this not pull the commanding heights away from capital and into the hands of the workers (replicating China’s tiered merit system. If existing capital tries to stop it, as they inevitably will, then we have justification for revolution and the leaders of these co-ops can become the new vanguard. Am I just to naive to believe that this actually has a chance at doing anything or do I have a viable strategy. If not where did I go wrong and what could be improved (or should the whole thing just be scrapped)

  • cfgaussian
    9·
    5 days ago
    Some context on what Narodism was:

    A secret Narodnik society known as “Narodnaya Volya” (“People’s Will”) began to plot the assassination of the tsar. On March 1, 1881, members of the “Narodnaya Volya” succeeded in killing Tsar Alexander II with a bomb. But the people did not benefit from this in any way. The assassination of individuals could not bring about the overthrow of the tsarist autocracy or the abolition of the landlord class. The assassinated tsar was replaced by another, Alexander III, under whom conditions of the workers and peasants became worse still.

    The method of combating tsardom chosen by the Narodniks, namely, by the assassination of individuals, by individual terrorism, was wrong and detrimental to the revolution. The policy of individual terrorism was based on the erroneous Narodnik theory of active “heroes” and a passive “mob”, which awaited exploits from the “heroes”. This false theory maintained that it is only outstanding individuals who make history, while the masses, the people, the class, the “mob”, as the Narodnik writers contemptuously called them, are incapable of conscious, organised activity and can only blindly follow the “heroes”. For this reason the Narodniks abandoned mass revolutionary work among the peasantry and the working class and changed to individual terrorism. They induced one of the most prominent revolutionaries of the time, Stepan Khalturin, to give up his work of organising a revolutionary workers’ union and to devote himself entirely to terrorism.

    By these assassinations of individual representatives of the class of exploiters, assassinations that were of no benefit to the revolution, the Narodniks diverted the attention of the working people from the struggle against that class as a whole. They hampered the development of the revolutionary initiative and activity of the working class and the peasantry.

    The Narodniks prevented the working class from understanding its leading role in the revolution and [delayed] the creation of an independent party of the working class.

    Although the Narodniks’ secret organisation had been smashed by the tsarist government, Narodnik views continued to persist for a long time among the revolutionary-minded intelligentsia. The surviving Narodniks stubbornly resisted the spread of Marxism in Russia and hampered the organisations of the working class.

    Marxism in Russia could therefore grow and gain strength only by combating Narodism.

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