(Mirror.)

Analyzing the period of occupation in Denmark through the lens of sport reveals just how complex the politics of the situation truly were. At the time of occupation, sport collaboration between Germany and Denmark had already enjoyed a rich tradition. In fact, Germany had been using sport as a way to forge a bond between the two nations based on the ideological linkage of a “Nordic brotherhood”.¹¹

Danish sports historian Hans Bonde argues that for much of the 1930s, the Germans fostered a fascination of [Fascist] ideology in Denmark through the strategic use of sport and the celebration of the “superior” Aryan athletic body.¹² Germany used its top athletes as political harbingers of sorts, tasked with spreading a positive image of [Fascist] doctrine through good conduct abroad.¹³

As Bonde argues, one of the clearest examples of how German sport was used propagandistically is found in the amount of resources that were channeled directly into the performance of the sport, rather than the activity itself. Large amounts of money and energy were funnelled into ensuring that sporting events became grandiose political displays, often attended by key political figures in [the Third Reich].¹⁴

For the Reichssportführer, Hans von Tschammer und Osten, the importance of sport as a political tool was made clear when he argued, “The leadership of Reich sports, the foreign ministry and the propaganda administration regard international sporting events as a medium for drawing regions and states that were politically, militarily or geo‐strategically interesting more deeply into the sphere of German influence.”¹⁵

As the Reichssportführer alludes to, the political goals of sport in Germany reflected the [Fascist] desire to establish a mutual respect between the Danes and the Germans, and to a large extent, this did in fact occur. For example, Danish and German cyclists had established a particularly close relationship in the early 1930s when a number of races on both German and Danish soil helped build a positive competitive spirit between the two nations.¹⁶

According to Bonde, German–Danish sport collaboration prior to the occupation had, for the most part, sparked in the Danish public a positive view of the Third Reich.¹⁷

This attitude is most of ten reflected in the athletes who took part in German–Danish sporting events. Danish rower Axel Lundquist expressed this view in his comment of the 1936 Olympic rowing venue, saying, “It is incredible what the Germans had done last year out on the Lange See Lake; but this year, the scenery is even more impressive. In particular, the huge tribune out in the water — with room for more than 6000 spectators — makes a colossal impact.”¹⁸

But athletes did not represent the only voice of Danish praise for the Germans; in a statement released by the Danish Olympic Committee (DOC) it was said that, “a solid and friendly collaboration exists between Danish and German sports, about which Danish sportsmen and women are pleased” and that, “we obtain only dividends and delight from this collaboration with Germany.”¹⁹

For many Danes, Germans were regarded not with fear or disdain, but rather, with respect and friendly admiration — an attitude which had been influenced by the intense collaboration between the two countries in the world of sport.

Of all the Danish sport figures during this period, Neils Bukh might best embody the Danish public’s fascination for [Fascism].²⁰ Bukh rose to fame in the 1930s when his form of rhythmic gymnastics became recognized globally for its powerful portrayal of the male body; as his reputation for producing world‐class gymnasts grew, so too did the Danish public’s love for him.²¹ Throughout the 1930s and into the occupation years, Bukh was highly active in Danish politics, bringing with him a deep interest for [Fascism].²²

Bukh’s first experience with the [German Fascists] occurred in 1933 when he took the opportunity to visit Berlin while on a gymnastics tour of Hungary and Austria. As Bonde argues, the [Fascists] seemed to have an awareness of Bukh’s political leanings as he was greeted upon entering the Berlin gymnastics compound with the cacophonous roar of approximately 3000 uniformed spectators.²³

Bukh’s preference for recruiting gymnasts with primarily blonde hair and blue eyes would have made him a prime target for [Fascist] propagandists to try to exploit as a political shill — the warm welcome which he and his team received in Berlin is a testament to this.²⁴ Bukh had become enamoured by the [Fascist] spectacle, convinced that the order and unity of the Hitler Youth was something which Denmark should model its own youth organizations after.²⁵

During the occupation years, Bukh would become highly vocal in local newspapers and would often cite his own convictions that the system of [Fascism] was ultimately a positive one. In one such newspaper interview, Bukh was recorded saying that his visits to Berlin had only fortified his belief in the inner strength of the German view of the world.²⁶

To illustrate just how convinced Bukh had become of the [Axis’s] plan, his statement made in October 1940 on the persecution of Jews at the hands of the [Fascists] is revealing. In a press release sent to approximately 12 to 14 Danish newspapers, Bukh argued that, “If the new Germany requires all its damaging, foreign blood removed, then Germany must pay and bleed for it, but — trust in this — the operation is necessary and the pain worth it.”²⁷

Given Bukh’s immense popularity within Denmark, his unabashed vocal support of the [Fascist] system during the early days of the occupation could be potentially dangerous, especially given Bukh’s influence over hundreds of young Danish boys and girls in his gymnastics programs.

As the case of Neils Bukh reveals, the idea that all Danes were anti‐German is simply untrue. The nature of Danish attitudes toward Germans during the occupation years is much more complex than this. In the world of sport, there were a number of other high profile Danish athletes who sided with [Fascism]. The world‐renowned Danish boxer Hans Holdt was one such athlete who routinely vocalized his belief in the [Fascist] doctrine.

In 1942, two years into the [Fascist] occupation of Denmark, Holdt solidified his political designation by joining the Danish Nazi Party.²⁸ Of course, there are numerous examples of Danish athletes whose political affinity rested on the side of the [Fascists], but perhaps none were more prolific than Ragnhild Hvegar and Jenny Kammersgaard, both internationally recognized swimming stars.

Hvegar was a world‐record holding Olympian and renowned for her technique and speed in the water, whereas Kammersgaard became idolized by the Germans for her heart and sheer will in long distance swims.

In 1937, after Kammersgaard swam the Kattegat fjord, she received a personal letter of admiration from Hitler himself.²⁹ Bonde argues that for the Germans this, “almost supernatural achievement in the water by a North Germanic woman could be seen as a sign of the perfection of the Aryan race.”³⁰ [Fascist] propagandists looked to capitalize on Kammersgaard’s popularity by linking her to [Fascist] sports.

In the late 1930s, Kammersgaard was flown to Berlin where she was greeted by the Reichssportführer himself and subsequently taken on a lavish tour of the city. As Kammersgaard attests, she felt more than welcomed by the Germans who, upon recognizing her, would scream out, “Kattegat Jenny!”³¹ As Bonde argues, experiences like this helped Kammersgaard to form a favourable disposition toward the [Fascists] — something which would prove to take deep root in the girl’s personality.³²

Even during the occupation years, Kammersgaard would often defend the [Fascists], citing her experiences in the late 1930s as proof of their civility and hospitality.³³ From the outset of occupation, Hvegar was vocal about her positive view of the Germans in Denmark. She was active in her involvement with members of the Danish and German press and had pictures and interviews of her in several newspapers during the occupation years.

(Emphasis added.)