The Palestinians opposed Fascism not only in words but in action as well:

It appears that an important and central portion of the Palestinian public believed that it was necessary to stand on the British side, to postpone nationalist demands, to fight as one […] against the [Axis], and to demand recompense at the end of the war. Supporters of this faction were from among the Palestinian élite which included the leaders of the opposition, city mayors, tribal heads and village leaders, senior officials, merchants and industrialists, religious clerics, and others.⁸

The activists in this faction engaged in intensive pro‐British propaganda, were ready to act in far‐reaching cooperation with the British authorities, and gave unhesitating support to volunteering in the British army. Their attitude was in conformity with the position of the ruling élites in Arab countries which were under the direct British control or influence such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Jordan.

Among these countries, it was the Emirate of Transjordan under Emir Abdullah which was outstanding in its unequivocal support of the British. In a British intelligence report of September 1940, it was recorded that the Emir was not satisfied merely with recruitment of the Jordanians but invested great efforts in persuading Palestinian leaders to follow his line, and that he was successful.⁹ Syria and Lebanon as well, once they were free of the Vichy government in the summer of 1941, adopted an identical position against the Axis powers.¹⁰

In connection with the position of most of the leaders and the general public in support of Britain and the Allies, David Motadel notes that the efforts of [the Third Reich] to recruit into her ranks Muslim allies in the Middle East and North Africa were not especially successful and even failed, in contrast with their relative success in the region of the Balkans and in the areas of Russia that were conquered by the [Axis].

It appears that the efforts of the Mufti of Jerusalem — who resided in Berlin, coordinated policy with many leaders of [Fascists], and called for support of the Axis powers — did not find attentive ears among the Palestinians.¹¹

[…]

In August 1940, the authorities began to organize Arab and Jewish companies within the framework of the infantry corps of the East Kent Regiment of the Royal Fusiliers (Buffs) in which, as we shall see later on, thousands of volunteers served.¹⁵ Auxiliary military companies in the Royal Pioneer Corps were also established in the mid‐1940s. The companies in this corps were at first mixed ones with Arabs and Jews in addition to their British commanders. Later on, volunteering was open for recruitment in the Air and Navy forces as well as in the women’s corps.

[…]

It is important to mention that Filastin newspaper, which was known for its pragmatic and pro‐British position in opposition to the Mufti and the Husseini camp, gave daily broad surveys of the propaganda activities, and in fact became an important and efficient British propaganda mouthpiece. It should also be noted that the newspaper was published in Jaffa, the largest Palestinian city in Mandate times, and its distribution was the highest in comparison with other Palestinian newspapers.¹⁷

(Emphasis added.)

Even the Palestinians who declined to volunteer did not usually do so out of any Axis sympathies. While many Palestinians considered the British Empire to be the lesser evil, for others that was precisely why they saw no point in volunteering; some Palestinians remained neutral because the British Empire had failed them:

Soubhi Ghusha mentions in his memoir that a significant number of Palestinians in Jerusalem volunteered for the sake of benefits that they received, and others rejected volunteering for ideological reasons due to the harsh British policy towards the Palestinian Arabs.³³ […] Lawyer Hanna Nakkara also […] said that there were many reasons not to support Britain because of its policies toward the Palestinians; however, it was also not acceptable to support [the Third Reich either] and the terrible crimes of its army.³⁴

Overall, though:

The research shows that the range of volunteering was much more extensive than what was previously known to us, and that it was not that of single individuals but of many thousands who served in nearly all the military units at the battle front and the home front. Their contribution was vital and of no less importance than other fighters throughout the British Empire.

We also saw in this research that Arab and Jewish volunteers served in mixed units during the first half of the war period, and received their training in the same military bases from the same British officers. In many cases they fought in the same battle shoulder to shoulder, fell in the fighting or were taken prisoner. The case of Pioneer Platoon 401 and the Middle East Commando Unit 51 are proof of this.

And it was the Zionists, not the Palestinians, who were pushing for segregation:

In contrast with the leadership of the Jewish Yishuv, the research shows that those Palestinian leaders who had worked so hard for the sake of volunteering did not have any clear national agenda. They did not demand setting up separate Arab Palestinian units similar to those of the Jews, in spite of British encouragement.

The leaders of the Yishuv succeeded through continuous pressure to break away from mixed units already in 1942, and in some of the units even earlier. Slowly they advanced in the direction of setting up a Jewish fighting division that in the future would fulfil an important rôle as the basis for a Jewish army by the end of the Mandate period.

While normally I tend to be strict about the content in this subcommunity, I’ll admit that today I’m being exceptional because this relates to capitalism in decay only indirectly. Nevertheless, the misconception that Palestinians were overwhelmingly profascist is so obnoxiously common that it could have spread here eventually, so this had to be said.