Pictured: The neocolony’s Argentine embassy.

Between 1976 and 1983, Argentina was ruled by a military junta. It was word’s first […] neo‐Nazi government. 30,000 people ‘disappeared’, of whom 12 percent were Jewish (Mualem 2004: 51–79).⁴ In 1978 the United States decided to restrict arms sales to the Junta on human rights grounds (SIPRI 1979: 204–5). [The Zionist neocolony] stepped into the breach, becoming Argentina’s major arms supplier, accounting for 25 percent of [the neocolony’s] total sales (Howard 1983: 24).

[…] Prime Minister David Ben‐Gurion believed that ‘in our relations (with foreign countries) we should be guided by one criteri[on] […] and that is whether it is good for the Jews […]’ What Ben‐Gurion meant was being good for the [neocolony], since ‘the state constitutes the highest goal of Zionism and the Jewish people’ (Mualem 2004: 51–79). The individual was unimportant; the state was everything.

By 1981 Argentina was buying 17 percent of its arms from [the neocolony] (Bahbah 1986: 123). [The neocolony] is believed to have armed Argentina during the Falklands/Malvinas war.⁵ The Latin American Weekly Report argued that ‘The [so‐called] Jewish state’s concern for the disappeared was subordinated to political and commercial considerations’ (Bahbah 1984).

Senkman and Barromi described how: ‘At the same time that the ambassador was acting on behalf of the detainees, [neocolonial] agents were waiting outside, bearing proposals for sales of the means of warfare. Thus, the arms sales were only detrimental to the cause’ (Senkman 1999: 101–104; Barromi 1979: 104–5).

The Argentinean military Junta sponsored a wave of anti‐Semitic attacks. Bombs exploded in Argentine synagogues and Jewish schools.⁶ The [Zionists] had a choice: between selling arms to the military Junta or defending Argentina’s Jews. [The Zionists] chose the former. Jacobo Timerman (1923–1999), the founder and editor of the liberal La Opinión, was arrested in April 1977 and savagely tortured. As an example of his torturer’s anti‐Semitism, the following is a good example:

a hysterical voice began shouting Jew, Jew, Jew! The others join in and form a chorus […] Now they’re really amused and burst into laughter. Someone tries a variation, while still clapping hands: ‘Clipped prick, clipped prick.[’] It seems they are no longer angry, merely having a good time. I keep bouncing in the chair and moaning as the electric shocks penetrate my clothes. (Timerman 1981: 60–61)

Timerman’s high profile forced [the neocolony] to make diplomatic representations ‘but it did not make public demands as it did on behalf of Jews in the Soviet Union’ (Rein and Davidi 2010: 9–11). It is claimed it ‘secretly pressured Argentina to free Timerman’ (Kleiman 1982: 80). [Zionist] Ambassador Ram Nirgad asked Timerman to sign a letter saying that he was well treated and had no problems with the government. Timerman refused (Rein and Davidi 2010: 16).

Timerman was attacked in the United States by […] Zionists who believed he ‘asked for what he got’.⁷ The neoconservatives argued that [the neocolony] was ‘an important supplier of arms and military equipment to Argentina’ and therefore the Junta could not be considered anti‐Semitic (Lobe 2013).

Dr. Marcos, whose son Mauricio held [necolonial] citizenship and was murdered by the Junta, was a founder of Asociación de Familiares de Desaparecidos Judíos. He described how he and other Jewish families knocked again and again on the door of the Embassy, and were always sent away.⁸

One of the main justifications for a ‘Jewish state’ is that in the event of a resurgence of anti‐Semitism, [a neocolony] will provide a safe haven. Marcel Zohar, who was the Yediot Aharonot correspondent in Argentina between 1978 and 1982, described how [the neocolony] refrained from processing immigration applications from Jews with a left‐wing background (Zohar 1990: 31).

As I argued elsewhere, ‘an anti‐Semitic régime will also be […] semi‐fascist and a creature of U.S. [neo]imperialism. In short, one which the [neocolony] is only too willing to do business with…’ (Greenstein 1989: 1). Zohar recounts the struggle between Danny Recanati, of the Jewish Agency and the [neocolony’s] ambassador, Ron Nergad.

Recanati tried to help persecuted Jews escape from the country, while [‘]Nergad cautioned that people defined as persona non grata should not be rescued’ (Zohar 1990: 19–24). There was a fear that those who were released and went to [the neocolony] would work with Palestinian resistance groups.

A quarter of century later, the […] Knesset called for the extradition of the Argentine military officers. MK Yossi Sarid described how ‘the [Zionists] never once lifted a finger and co‐operated with the Argentine murderers because of their interest in arms deals. […] In Argentina, [the neocolony] sold even the Jews for the price of its immediate interests’ (Mualem 2004).

Timerman attacked the Zionist leaders in Argentina as a Judenrat. ‘I would forget my torturers, I declared, but never the Jewish leaders who acquiesced calmly in the torturing of Jews’ (Timerman 1980: 70–71, 78). La Opinión had protested against all acts of anti‐Semitism, but the President of the Jewish community, Nehemias Berznitsky, disagreed because ‘that would create a confrontation with highly powerful sectors of the army’.

Under no circumstances would the Delegación de Asociaciones Israelitas Argentinas (Daia) and the Argentina Jewish Mutual Aid Association (AMIA) campaign openly and publicly against the Junta’s anti‐Semitism.

In a 1979 visit to Argentina, Geoffrey Paul, editor of The Jewish Chronicle ‘was urged not to make an issue of the disappeared (by the Zionist communal organisations) […] while the mothers of the Jewish disappeared pleaded for publicity to bring the atrocities before the public’s attention’.⁹

In October 1983 a meeting organised by the Argentine Jewish Movement for Human Rights to protest against anti‐Semitic attacks (bombing of synagogues etc.) attracted 7,000 people — a meeting which Daia had boycotted.¹⁰ In 1984 at the 90th anniversary Congress of AMIA, [‘]a group of women whose children disappeared […] shouted ‘Nazi, Nazi’ at those attending the Congress’. Their purpose was to prevent the entrance of Yitzhak Navon, formerly (Labour) President of [Zionism], to Argentina.¹¹

Hector Timerman, Jacobo Timerman’s son, became Argentine’s Foreign Minister. When [the neocolony] raised the 1994 bombing of a Jewish centre and Argentine’s joint investigation with Iran, Timerman told the [neocolony’s] ambassador it was none of [the neocolony’s] business.

‘[The neocolony] has no right to ask for explanations. [It] does not speak for the Jewish people […] Jews who […] live in Argentina are Argentinian citizens. The attack was against Argentina, and [the neocolony’s] desire to be involved in the matter only gives ammunition to anti‐Semites who accuse Jews of dual loyalty’.¹²

(Emphasis added. Source.)